CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND
TO THE STUDY
The
Nigerian economy has not fared as well as expected despite its rich human and
natural endowments and its claim to be the ‘giant’ of Africa. When compared with the emerging Asian
economies, particularly, Thailand, Malaysia, China, India and Indonesia that
were far behind Nigeria in terms of GDP per capita in 1970, these economies
have been transformed and are not only miles ahead of Nigeria, but are also
major players on the global economic arena.
Indeed, Nigeria’s poor economic performance, especially in the last
forty years, is better illustrated when compared with China which now occupies
an enviable position as the second largest economy in the world. In 1970, while
Nigeria had a GDP per capita of US$233.35 and was ranked 88th in the world,
China was ranked 114th with a GDP per capita of US$111.82 (Sanusi,
2010). By 2013, Nigeria’s GDP per capita
was US$1,555 as against China’s US$6,188 (World Bank, 2013).
Available
data have variously put the percentage of the population falling below the
poverty line in the country at 70% (Central Intelligence Agency [CIA], 2013)
and 46% (World Bank, 2013). The World
Economic Forum ranks Nigeria among the poorest countries in the Global
Competitive Index (GCI) 2013 -2014. The
country went down by five slots from the 115th position it occupied
last year to 120th position presently, out of the total 148
countries on the list (Ibekwe, 2013).
Similarly, there has been rising unemployment with the 2013 level by the
National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) put at 23.9% (Emejo, 2013). Moreso, the
country lags behind its peers in most human development indicators. For
example, Nigeria’s score of 24.2% in the 2008-2012 Global Hunger Index is much
higher than those of China (3.4%), Thailand (9.0%), Indonesia (18.6%), Chile (0.5%),
and Malaysia (12.7%) (International Food Policy Research Institute [IFPRI],
2013).
The poor
economic performance of the country has been traced to a number of factors
including political instability, lack of focused and visionary leadership,
economic mismanagement and corruption (Sanusi, 2010). Economic management
includes monetary policy management which is the concern of this paper.
Monetary policy management involves management of money supply which is
regarded as a powerful tool for controlling the economy. This paper wants to
investigate the effects of money supply on the Nigerian economy.
The
importance of money cannot be overemphasized.
Money has been linked to changes in economic variables that affect all
of us and that are important to the health of the economy (Mishkin,
2007:8). From inception, apart from
helping man to overcome the cumbersome nature of barter, it has performed very
useful functions. Whether money is
shells or rocks or gold or paper (Mushkin, 2007:50), it has performed four
primary functions including serving as a medium of exchange, unit of account,
standard for deferred payment, and store of value. Indeed, the introduction of
money has greatly facilitated exchange.
The focus
of this study is not on the functions of money, however, but on its influence
on the economy. To stress the point of
the influence of money on the economy, Bromley (2006:13) wrote, “Money may not
make the world go around, but it sure makes the economy go up and down.”
Establishing the influence or otherwise of money, the channels, and the extent
of its influence on the economy has been of great interest to economists over
time. It has also been an issue of great
debate among economists. Consequently, a
number of theories have been formulated to explain the impact of money on the
economy. The debate is predominantly
between the Monetarists and the Keynesian economists. The two major theories of these contending
groups respectively are the quantity theory of money (QTM) popularized by
Irving Fisher and later Milton Friedman, and the liquidity preference theory
propounded by John Maynard Keynes. The
bone of contention has been the role of money supply in determining the price
level and total production of goods and services (aggregate output) in the economy.
The
quantity theory of money was developed by the classical economists in the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and deals with how the nominal value
of aggregate income is determined. It
also tells how much money is held for a given amount of aggregate income;
hence, it is also a theory of the demand for money. The theory states that nominal income is
determined solely by movements in the quantity of money (Mishkin, 2007). Its contention is that changes in the
quantity of money lead to equal changes in the price level in the long run and
no changes in output. The classical
economists’ quantity theory of money acknowledges the medium of exchange and
unit of account functions of money.
Keynes’s
liquidity preference theory introduced the element of interest rate in the
transmission mechanism. It assumes that
money changes will only affect output or prices through its effect on a set of
conventional yields – the market interest rate of a small group of financial
assets, such as government or corporate bonds.
A given change in the stock of money will have a calculable effect on
these interest rates, and the interest rate changes are then used to derive the
change in investment spending, the induced effects on income and consumption,
and so forth (Fand, 1970). Keynes’s
theory not only acknowledges the medium of exchange and unit of account
functions of money but also introduces the standard for differed payment and
store of value functions (“Monetary policy: Transmission mechanism,”
2003). (Details of these theories will
be presented in the second chapter of this paper).
A steady
stream of empirical research has been carried out on the subject of money and
the economy worldwide. Most of the work
has been confined to the industrial countries, especially the United States and
the United Kingdom. Relatively fewer
studies have been conducted on developing countries, though work has been
increasing in recent years (Sriram, 1999).
In the last few decades, the important issue for economists, researchers
and policy makers has been the study of the causal relationship between money
supply, price, and output because such relationship reveals the appropriate
monetary policy as well as its effectiveness (Mishra, Mishra, & Mishra,
2010). There have been several empirical
studies in many economies – both developed and developing – but the results
have shown no consensus. While some
studies indicate a bi-directional causality between money, income, and prices,
others show a uni-directional causal relationship between them.
For
example, Ahmed (2002) investigated the issue of multivariate causality among
money, interest rate, prices and output in selected South Asian Association for
Regional Cooperation (SAARC) economies, namely, Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan.
He conducted bivariate, multivariate, and block causality tests. The causality
tests suggested that interest rate, though controversial in developing
countries, deserved to be a good policy variable in Bangladesh and Pakistan
while money deserved to be a good policy variable in India. A bi-directional
causality existed between money and prices in Bangladesh and Pakistan leading,
in turn, to an increase in money stock. The finding is in consonance with the
view of real business cycle theorists who postulate that monetary changes only
affect prices. His block causality tests also revealed that interest rate and
money as a block caused output and price, but output and price did not cause
interest rate and money in Bangladesh. The situation was, however, reversed in
Pakistan and India.
Again, Muhd
Zulkhibri (2007) did an empirical study on the causality relationship between
monetary aggregates, output and prices in Malaysia using monthly data for the
period 1979 – 2000. The study was based on a vector auto regression (VAR) model
applying the granger no-causality procedure developed by Toda and Yamamoto
(1995). The results indicated a two-way causality running between monetary
aggregates, M2 and M3 and output which was consistent with theoretical views of
Keynesian and Monetarists whereas there was a one-way causality running from
monetary aggregate, M1 and output. Also, the results suggested that all
monetary aggregates have a strong one-way causality running from money to
prices and thus, lending empirical support to the argument that inflation is a
monetary phenomenon.
In relation
to Nigeria, most of the studies indicate a causal relationship from money to
these variables implying that money supply has some influence in the Nigerian
economy. What is not agreeable among
these studies is the extent or degree of influence of money supply on the
economy. While some show a stronger
influence, others indicate a weaker influence. Studies on Nigeria include those
by Omanukwue (2010), Chimobi and Uche (2010), Ogunmuyiwa and Ekone (2010),
Nwafor, Nwakanma, Nkansah, and Thompson (2007), and Anoruo (2002) Others include Kumar, Weber, and Fargher
(2010), Omotor (2011), and Chukwu, Agu,
and Onah (2010). For instance, Chimobi and Uche (2010) found that money supply has
a strong causal effect on price and output in the country. The results of the
work by Nwafor, Nwakanma, Nkansah, and Thompson (2007) collaborated this
finding and added that money supply also affects interest rates. On the other
hand, the study by Omanukwue (2010) established the existence of ‘weakening’ uni-directional
causality from money supply to core consumer prices in Nigeria. According to
the paper, inflationary pressures were dampened by improvements in real output
and financial sector development.
1.2 STATEMENT
OF PROBLEM
This study
seeks to investigate the impact of money supply on the Nigerian economy through
application of the quantity theory of money (QTM) and liquidity preference
theory – the two major monetary theories. Money supply is an important tool for
controlling the economy. It is critical to achieving the monetary policy goals
which include: price stability; high employment; economic growth; stability of
financial markets; interest rate stability; and stability in foreign exchange
markets (Mishkin, 2007).
According
to Adesoye (2012), monetary aggregates in Nigeria have been on the increase
since independence. The early 1960s opened with tight monetary measures aimed
at controlling inflation and instilling confidence in the national currency
issued by the then newly established central bank of Nigeria. But sooner, the
need to finance rapidly expanding expenditures meant greater resort to the
mint, since the instruments for financing government borrowing were not yet
fully developed. In the 1970s, the expansionary monetary stance was further
given an impetus by the monetization of oil earnings. Hence, the growth rate of
money supply on the average rose from 10.9% in 1960s to 18.8% in Pre-SAP era;
21.5% in SAP era; 20.5% in Post-SAP; and 22.1% in NEEDS era. The growth of
money supply peaked at 44.5% in 1975 during Pre SAP era; 35% in 1993 during SAP
era; 32% in 2000 during Post-SAP era; and 31.8% in 2008 during the NEEDS era.
These
increases in money supply are supposed to stimulate and induce growth of the
economy, but that has not been the case. A perusal of some of these economic
indicators in Nigeria shows a sordid picture as seen in the previous
section. Furthermore, in 2012, the
inflation rate was 12.2%, unemployment rate 25.7%, GDP growth rate, 6.6%, and
interest rate (prime lending rate) 17% (Central Bank of Nigeria [CBN], 2012).
Meze (2012) investigated the implications of
money supply on output in Nigeria for the period, 2000 to 2009, and discovered
that money supply does not significantly influence output. Odiba, Apeh, and
Daniel (2013) investigated the effect of money supply on inflation in Nigeria
between 1986 and 2009. They also examined the effect of aggregate demand on
inflation. The objective of the study was to ascertain how far money supply
could explain the inflationary phenomenon in Nigeria. The study results
indicated that money supply and aggregate demand were the main determinants of
inflation in Nigeria during the review period.
Furthermore,
Omanukwue (2010)examined the long run relationship between money, prices,
output, interest rate and ratio of demand deposits/time deposits (proxy for
financial development) and found convincing evidence of a long run relationship
in line with the quantity theory of money. The study established the existence of
‘weakening’ uni-directional causality from money supply to core consumer prices
in Nigeria. In all, the results indicated that monetary aggregates still
contain significant, though weakening, information about developments in core
prices in Nigeria. The paper found that inflationary pressures were dampened by
improvements in real output and financial sector development.
Factually,
the Nigerian economy has remained gloomy and apparently backward. It is characterized
by poverty, high inflation and unemployment, high interest rate, and low
productivity. Despite the application of various economic tools including the
tool of money supply by successive governments to stimulate the economy, the
Nigerian economy remains deplorable raising the questions: Why have these tools
failed to boost the health of the Nigerian economy? Why has the Nigerian
economy remained sick despite the application of the powerful tool of money supply,
among others? This study has chosen to address the question of the
effectiveness of money supply as a tool for treating the ailing Nigerian
economy.
Money
supply has largely been regarded as a powerful tool for controlling the
economy. Consequently, monetary theories
have been formulated to explain the role of money in the economy. The two major theories often referred to by
researchers are the quantity theory of money and the liquidity preference
theory. These are the theories of
interest in this study. Empirical
application of these theories in an economy often indicates what monetary
policy the authorities should pursue.
Given the
dismal look of the Nigerian economy as noted above as well as in the previous
section, an application of these monetary theories in the Nigerian economy will
be necessary to determine the impact of money supply on the Nigerian economy;
determine the theory that best explains reality in the country; and determine a
monetary policy course to pursue for better economic health. This is the challenge of this study.
In this
study, two interest rate variables, nominal and real interest rates, are
included in the analyses. This became necessary because of arguments by some
economists that nominal and real interest rates tell different stories. This
was demonstrated by the contrasting results posted by early Keynesians and
monetarists who analysed the impact of the monetary policy on the United States
(U.S.) economy using evidence from the Great Depression period. The Keynesians
used the evidence of an extremely low nominal interest rates and concluded that
monetary policy was easy (expansionary). Because monetary policy was not
capable of explaining why the worst economic contraction in the U.S. history
occurred, early Keynesians concluded that changes in money supply have no effect
on aggregate output – in other words, money does not matter.
On the
other hand, monetarists argue that nominal interest rates are often a very
misleading indicator of real interest rates. The group believes that real
interest rates more accurately reflect the true cost of borrowing and,
therefore, are more relevant to investment decisions than nominal interest
rates. They found that real interest
rates on U.S. Treasury bills were extremely high during the Great Depression
indicating that, contrary to the early Keynesian beliefs, monetary policy was
not easy, and that, indeed, it had never been more contractionary (Mishkin,
2007).
Accordingly, both nominal and real interest rates have been included for analyses in this study for more reliable results. The prime lending rates represent the nominal interest rates (Soludo, 2008).