CHAPTER
ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
In different ways, classical social
thinkers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries all
thought, religion would either disappear or become progressively attenuated
with the expansion of modern institutions. The evidence before us in the 21st
century is pervasive and clear, that religion still exists, but changed
everywhere. Religion remains surprisingly vibrant and socially relevant. This
is particularly true in Nigeria, and in much of the rest of the world as well,
where religion continues to be a potent factor in the emerging global order and
its conflicts.
Modernist
theories of secularization that predicted the decline of religion in the
affairs of the world because they were carriers of “tradition”, and would enter
into decline faced with the inevitable and overwhelming forces of modernization
have failed in their predictions. Even some critics of secularism have come to
accept that, while religious faith may appear to be floundering in the west due
to “contigent events and local circumstances” such as sex abuse scandals by the
clergy and the issue of gay marriage, diverse patterns of religiosity still
exist today all over the world. In case of Nigeria, despite the crimes
associated with religions, more religious sects and denominations are springing
out with huge patronage from the masses on daily basis. Even among affluent
European nations, rather than observing any consistent and steady conversion
towards atheism or agnosticism or any loss of faith in God, religion is still
alive and active (Greeleys, 2003).
Huntington
(1996) argues that the world would be shaped largely by the strainged interraction
among seven or eight major civilizations, namely; Western, Latin American,
Slavic-orthodox, Confucian, Japanese, Islamic, Hindu and possibly African
civilization. He further argues that the most important differentiating factor
in the world is religion and that the post-cold war optimism of global harmony
would be shattered by dangerous and deep-rooted religious conflicts. No wonder,
Berger (2005), formerly a leading advocate of secularism recanted and declared
that, “the assumption that we live in a secularized world is false. The world,
with some exceptions . . . is as furiously religious as it ever was and in some
places more so than ever” (p2).
It is highly
debatable if secularism, as the political separation between “church and state”
is dead or alife. As it is, almost all countries separate religion from
politics and all democratic nations imbibe some or most of the democratic
political values inherent in secularism. Throughout this work, secularism is
appreciated broadly as a constitutional device that tries to construct a
political identity for a country in the context of a non-combative religious
faith. This, it does by recognizing and protecting the individual’s religious
affiliation and guaranteeing her or his right to freedom of religion and
conscience. It also distances the state from any overbearing political
influence of religion (Bruce, 2002). A religiously sensitive secular polity,
according to Nchi (2013), therefore, does not need to be opposed to the
individuation of religion and cultural identities in a multi-religious and
multi-ethnic state like Nigeria.
In recent decades, religion has
become an important factor both in public debate and as a means of political
mobilization. However, the rise of religion has not happened in and for
itself.It is closely linked to wider material and ideological developments that
have attacked global politics (Danjibo and Oladeji, 2012). As a multi-ethnic,
multi-religious country, Nigeria is a pluralistic society with African Traditional
Religion, Christianity and Islam as its three main religions (Onah, 2011).
Nigerians are deeply religious and are acknowledged by British Broadcasting
Cooperation (BBC, 2004) as the most religious nation in the world. It has been
argued that Nigeria has become the number one country globally in terms of the
population of religious worshippers and adherents, notably, of the two major
religions; Christianity and Islam (Falana, (2010)
Nigeria is among the most religious
countries in the world. According to the Pew Research Centre, Nigeria is at the
top of the chart in terms of intense religiosity. Both Christianity and Islam
have experienced very dramatic growth over the last 50 years. They have not
just experienced quantitative growth, but they have experienced very important
qualitative changes – changes in denominational affiliation, changes in
theology, changes in attitude towards one another (Kukah, 2007).
According to
Udobata (2012), it is still an irony that Nigeria claims to be one of the most
religious nations in the world and yet she is one of the most corrupt countries
in the world. Her citizens are insulted all over the world. Even many nations
that do not claim to be religious have warned their citizens against doing
honest business with Nigerians. Transparency International still places Nigeria
as one of the most corrupt nations of the world. The latest Transparency
International (TI) report not only listed Nigeria as among the most corrupt
countries of the world, but indicates that it has the highest global percentage
of citizen’s perception that corruption has worsened in the last years. Yet,
Nigeria has the largest number of Christians in the Black world and sends the
largest contingent of Muslim pilgrims to Mecca every year (Udobata, 2012).
Nigeria’s broad
religious demography reflects the historical exposure of its Northern
communities to Islam through the Trans-Saharan Trade and the success of
Christian Missionary Enterprise in many of its southern parts. However, while
historical alliances and shared ethnicities are closely associated with the
adoption of these two world religions, religion and ethno –regional identities
are cross-cutting, often reinforcing each other. Beyond the engagement with
local traditions, Christianity and Islam as major religions in Nigeria have
expressed a high degree of political competitiveness with each other at the
least since the 1970s (Danjibo and Oladeji, 2013).
Apart from
Christianity and Islam, Nigerians also belong to a range of other religious
groups. The largest of these comprises followers of Traditional Religious
Practice, known as African Traditional Religion (ATR), with the provision that
local belief systems and practices differ widely, and that their subsumption
under one term mainly reflects the fact that these practices do not (yet) hold
the status of world religions (Amherd and Nolte, 2005).
Religion and
politics have caused many countries to either grow or separate. In Nigeria,
every government is judged by the way power is distributed. Anything contrary
to attaining a religious balance status triggers a wide cry of marginalization.
The struggle for power in Nigeria predated independence, but it was based on
ethnic, economic and social factors. It was in the event of the 1966 coup that
religious meaning and antagonism began to be associated with political
activities (Anjov, 2008, 35). Some scholars argued that the Igbo as a tribe
were the major target and that not all Christians in the North were affected.
Within the two
major religions in Nigeria (Islam and Christianity), there has been internal
divisions and sub -divisions that sometimes produce sharp contentions. Islam
and Christianity are rivals to each other. Apart from being rivals to each
other, they (Islam and Christianity) are suppressing the traditional religion.
Religion which is supposed to be the agent of peace, unity and harmony is a
sharp contrast in Nigeria and elsewhere. Nigeria has recorded series of
religious crises, claiming lives and property which are a hindrance to national
development. The issue of religion in Nigeria is becoming more complex with
apparent hostility, friction and crises. Indeed, religion is threatening the
corporate existence of the nation as well as undermining the political
integrity of the country. Religious crises in Nigeria are major obstacles to
peace and development in the country.
Hank (2013)
asserts that, just as football is singularly the sole and most unifying factor
in Nigeria, nothing is as divisive as religion – especially when it is used as
a tool of politics. Nigeria politicians have used religion to divide the
country, just as they have used ethnicity to fan the embers of our national
dichotomy. In Nigeria, religion has become a tool of politics and not as a
belief system. We are, evidently, no longer able to maintain the fundamental
principles of a secular state like religious freedom and governments patronizing
particular religions. The sanction and enforcement of Sharia Laws in the
criminal court by some state governments have also compounded the problem.
According to Anuforo (2013), recent developments and memories of past and continuous carnage in the North of Nigeria on the innocent and for reasons beyond comprehension, are beginning to sway the position of many, who previously frowned at the thought of alternative system of co-existing. In other words, while believing and hoping on a united, progressive and secular, God fearing country, staunch Nigerian Nationalists are now open to the possibility of a different form of mutually agreed arrangement example the breakup of Nigeria to accommodate the conflicting regional, religious and tribal aspirations of ethnic groups. The Governor- General of Nigeria between 1920-1931, Sir Hugh Clifford, described Nigeria as “a collection of independent native states, separated from one another by great distances, differences of history and traditions and by ethnological, racial, tribal, political, social and religious barriers” (Nigeria Council of Debate, Lagos, 1920). The above description in my opinion seems to vividly capture the problems of today’s Nigeria, where too many innocent lives have been sacrificed because of religion.
As a result of
the activities of the Boko Haram sect in the country, there are worrying trends
that are beginning to raise concerns over the authority of the President, his
security agenda and the unity of the country. President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan
made a revelation at the 2012 Armed Forces Remembrance day ceremony that sent
shocking waves across the country and the rest of the world. Speaking about the
terror being unleashed by Boko Haram, the President said that, “sympathisers of
the Islamist Boko Haram group are in his government and security agencies”
(Anuforo, 2013, 12). He further lamented that:
The situation
we have in our hands is even worse than the civil war that we fought. During
the civil war, we knew and we could even predict where the enemy was coming
from, but the challenge we have today is more complicated … some of them are
in the executive arm of government, some of them are in the
parliament/legislative arm of government, while some of them are even in
judiciary … some are also in the armed forces, the police and other security
agencies (BBC, 2013).
When the President and
the Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces raises such concern about
security, every patriotic citizen should be alarmed too (Anuforo, 2013).
1.2 Statement
of the Problem
Religion has a place
in the life of every nation including Nigeria. Irrespective of the faith or
denomination, religion when truly practiced in its truest form and spirit, has
been and remains sacred. It plays a vital role in purposeful leadership, community
building, social justice, law and order, peace-making, reconciliation,
forgiveness and the healing of wounds, be they political, family or personal.
Religion ideally is not an arena of conflict. Unfortunately, Religion in
Nigeria has given rise to conflicts between the adherents of the two main
religions; Islam and Christianity.
CONSTITUTIONAL MISCONCEPTION OF SECULARISM AND IMPLICATIONS FOR POLITICS AND RELIGION IN NIGERIA
