AN ASSESSMENT OF MATERIAL GRATIFICATION AND VOTER BEHAVIOR IN 2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS IN AKWA IBOM STATE

ABSTRACT

This study examined material gratification and voter behaviour in Akwa Ibom State using the 2019 general election as a reference point. This study obtained from its research questions and objectives, two hypotheses which states that the less credible a candidate is, the more the likelihood of his engagement in material gratification. The second hypothesis stated that the more politicians engage in material gratification of voters, the more unstable the electoral system becomes. This study adopted the descriptive research method of investigation and gathered data through secondary source which were analyzed within the context of democratic theory by Robert Dahl. findings of the study revealed that the less credible candidate are prone to engage in material gratification based on the fact that they are not the most popular candidate and due to their fat bank accounts they buy people’s vote in order to win election and occupy political offices, it also revealed that the more politicians engage in material gratification the more unstable the electoral process becomes in the sense that material gratification up’s the costs of elections for parties and candidates and will prevent credible candidates from running for political office. The study concluded that material gratification and its significant effect on voters’ behaviour cannot be over emphasized and if the strategies suggested in the work are taken seriously and implemented Akwa Ibom State can conduct a free, fair and credible election without the issue of material gratification. The study recommended that electoral officers should frown against material gratification, the police force should shun partisan politics because they are one of the instrument used doing material gratification and also improve the living standard of the citizenry so as to reduce the prevalence of material gratification.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – i
Declaration – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – ii
Certification – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – iii
Dedication – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – iv
Acknowledgements – – – – – – – – – – – – – – v
Abstract – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – vi
Table of Contents – – – – – – – – – – – – – – vii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study – – – – – – – – – – – 1
1.2 Statement of the Research Problem – – – – – – – – – 3
1.3 Research Questions – – – – – – – – – – – – 5
1.4 Objectives of the Study – – – – – – – – – – – – 6
1.4.1 Main Objectives – – – – – – – – – – – – 6
1.4.2 Specific Objectives – – – – – – – – – – – – 6
1.5 Hypotheses of the Study – – – – – – – – – – – 6
1.6 Significance of the Study – – – – – – – – – – – 7
1.7 Scope and Limitations of the Study – – – – – – – – – 7
1.9 Definition of Key Concepts – – – – – – – – – – 8
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 Review of Related Literature – – – – – – – – – – 9
2.1.1 The concept of Election – – – – – – – – – – – 9
2.1.2 Material Gratification – – – – – – – – – – – – 11
2.1.3 Material Gratification during the 2019 General Election – – – – 16
2.2 Theoretical Framework – – – – – – – – – – – 17

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Research Design – – – – – – – – – – – – 22
3.2 Description of the Study Area – – – – – – – – – 22
3.3 Sources of Data Collected – – – – – – – – – – – 24
3.4 Method of Data Analysis – – – – – – – – – – – 24
CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.1 Evolution of Material Gratification in Nigeria: Historical Perspective – 25
4.2 Predisposing Factors Leading to Material Gratification in Nigeria – 28
4.3 Evaluation of Hypothesis – – – – – – – – – – 30
4.4 Discussion of Findings – – – – – – – – – – – 35
CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Summary – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 36
5.2 Conclusion – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 37
5.3 Recommendations – – – – – – – – – – – – 38
References – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 40

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

All over the world, the most acceptable means of changing of a government is through democratic elections. Even before the introduction of democracy in Africa, Africa had its own democracy already in existence in its pre-colonial systems of government having separation of powers and checks and balances (Molomo, 2006). As Ojo (2008) opined, the holistic idea of a democratic self-government is not compatible with electoral hostilities thus a free and fair election is for a political system to be termed democratic, but not every election fulfills these criteria. Elections all over the world is seen as a peaceful means of electing representatives into government so as to push the demands of the people to the highest level of policy making (USAID, 2010).
The concept of “material gratification”, or what some scholars refer to as “money politics” in Nigeria has continued to play a dominant role in determining who wins an election from the second republic of 1979 (Ojo 2008, Lucky, 2013, page 6). Representative democracy, which is a system of choosing individuals that speak and act on behalf of the people through a free and fair election process, was first introduced in Nigeria in the year 1999 (Inokoba and Kumokor 2011, page142-143; Animashaun, 2015, page 186).Since then, Nigeria has continuously witnessed an uninterrupted democratic rule under the principle of holding periodic elections (Animashaun, 2015).
Nigeria can be classified among the young democracies of recent time with just 20 years of uninterrupted democratic existence since 1999. This practice of democracy so far, cannot be said to be void of problems and challenges especially during and after electoral contests. The problems have been discussed by scholars in the field of political science and other social science related disciplines. Some of these problems involves stealing of ballot boxes, multiple registration of voters, manipulation of electoral rules and processes, election rigging, vote buying, political assassinations among other institutional issues blamed on the electoral body in Nigeria (Ugoh, 2004; Danjibo and Oladeji, 2007; Alemika, 2007; Ojo, 2008; Sha, 2008; Lucky, 2013; Animashaun, 2015).
Corruption has become pervasive in all cycle of public and private lives. It is pertinent to observe that it is not in any way being suggested that the use of money by political parties, any person or group of persons in politics has inherent corruption influence (Davies, 2006). The truth is that money is needed for sundry services and logistics such as mobilization for political campaigns and rallies, printing of posters and manifestoes, production of party emblems and other symbols etc. The only worry however, is the noticeable corrupting influence of money and vote buying in election and their negative impact on good governance in Nigeria.
The role that material gratification play in Nigeria politics today have earned them a dominant position in the election of officers into position of authority where they can authoritatively decide who gets what, when and how. Money seems to have taken the center stage in the political process in most countries and in Nigerian politics. It is, sadly, now playing an increasing critical role to such extent that the word, ‘money politics’ with a pejorative connotation, have crept into the country’s political lexicon”, (Davies: 2006:5).
Consequently, this research focused on material gratification and voter behaviour in the 2019 general elections. Furthermore, the research critically analyzes the impact of material gratification and its impact on voter behaviour in the 2019 general elections; and also attempt to look at the way forward for future elections in Nigeria. The research however examines other selected issues around the election. It is believed that the research will contribute to the ongoing debate for free and fair election and the use of technology in the electoral process especially in the underdeveloped and developing countries of Africa and attitudinal changes in the pattern of voting behavior.

1.2 Statement of the Research Problem
Elections are a central feature of democracy. For elections to express the will of the electorate, they must be ‘free and fair’. ‘Free’ means that all those entitled to vote have the right to be registered and to vote and must be free to make their choice. In Nigeria every citizen over the age of 18 is entitled to vote. An election is considered ‘free’ when you can decide whether or not to vote and vote freely for the candidate or party of your choice without fear or intimidation. A ‘free’ election is also one where you are confident that who you vote for remains your secret.
‘Fair’ means that all registered political parties have an equal right to contest the elections, campaign for voter support and hold meetings and rallies. This gives them a fair chance to convince voters to vote for them. A fair election is also one in which all voters have an equal opportunity to register, where all votes are counted, and where the announced results reflect the actual vote totals. In Nigeria the 1993 election is considered as the freest and fairest in the history of the nation.
The history of elections in Nigeria has been replete with the tales of fraud, maladministration, violence and sharp practices. This trends did not change much even with the return to democracy in 1999. Thus, elections are high-stakes affairs as manifested in the tensions, cynicisms and fears that characterized the atmosphere before and during the 2019 general elections. In this context, violence, corruption, fraud and sharp practices are prominent features of elections. In the case of the 2019 general elections, these stakes were further heightened by vote buying, hate campaigns, elections postponement and general insecurity posed by the activities of political thugs.
In the light of these problems, the electoral commission improved the smart card readers which was introduced as an anti-fraud electoral device to enhance the integrity of the voting process; discourage ghost voters and prevent multiple voting as only accredited and verified PVC holders can vote but there was deficiencies with the smart card reader system where Several States experienced difficulties and delays with the use of the Smart Card Reader (SCR) for accreditation and voting. There were reports from Ogun, Imo, Lagos, Abia, Nasarawa, Kebbi, Kaduna States and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), on difficulties with the use of the devices on Election Day for failing to capture their fingerprints during the accreditation process at their polling units and this lead to the adopting manual voting system which prompted vote buying. It is in the light of the above that this research comes up to address the problem of election gifting and its effect on voters’ behaviour in the 2019 Election.